Mestrado em História

URI Permanente para esta coleção

http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/17523

Nível: Mestrado Acadêmico
Ano de início: 2003
Conceito atual na CAPES: 5
Ato normativo: Homologado pelo CNE (Portaria MEC Nº 1585 de 20/06/2003).
Publicado no DOU em 23/05/203.
Parecer CNE/CES 083/2003.
Periodicidade de seleção: Anual
Área(s) de concentração: História Social das Relações Políticas
Url do curso: https://historia.ufes.br/pt-br/pos-graduacao/PPGHIS/detalhes-do-curso?id=1411

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Agora exibindo 1 - 20 de 361

Espírito Santo, um estado "satélite" na primeira república : de Moniz Freire a Jerônimo Monteiro (1892-1912)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2004-12-03) Sueth, José Candido Rifan; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel; Pinto, Surama Conde Sá; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da
This study about regional history gives support to understand hegemony of some Brazilian states and exclusion of Espirito Santo, within the First Republic period, a very important phase of political Brazilian history. Genesis of Capixaba heteronomy is analysed in the light of an original interpretation of North American federalism in Brazil, which has played an important part in so called governors policy, as well as in hegemony of some Brazilian states upon federation unities considered secondaries. The chronological time line covers Espírito Santo’s state governments from 1892 to 1912, reaching specially two state governors, José de Carvalho Moniz Freire and Jeronimo de Souza Monteiro that, in spite of differentiate political guide-lines, kept the “satellite” character of Espirito Santo state before Federation. This analysis of documents, as official Messages and Addresses, is based on weberian conception about power and, in spite of not having the goal of using History as “teacher of life”, maybe offers some fundament to notices about Espirito Santo within the 21st century, giving therefore a contribution to a new political history which now characterizes some areas of historiography.
A colônia imaginada : Anchieta e as metamorfoses do imaginário medieval na América portuguesa (1534-1597)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2004-12-15) Alvim, Davis Moreira; Costa, Ricardo da; Santos, Estilaque Ferreira dos; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da; Tavares, Célia Cristina da Silva
The research presented hereinafter deals with Jesuit priest Jose de Anchieta"s (1534-1597) imaginary, by analyzing their medieval roots, as well as their metamorphoses in Portuguese America. Anchieta made use of medieval beastiaries, the demonology; directed earthly politics towards the spiritual world; believed he could count on heavenly support by means of hierophanies and chastisements; proclaimed the so-called fair war in God"s name for the conversion of the heathen; provided several people with a good death; wished for himself and called others to adhere to the ideal of martyrdom; defended the governor’s subordination to God and founded government authority on the power directly granted by the Deity. I have used as documentation some letters written by the Jesuit priest himself, comprising the period from 1554 to 1594, and the epic poem De Gestis Mendi de Saa, probably written within the period from 1560 to 1562 and published in Portugal by the first time in 1563. The main themes approached by the research were: the indian, the sacred, death, war, and tomism. Such themes have been set apart in an arbitrarian and didactic way during the explanation, but they surely intermingle and provide each other with sense, since Anchietan thought, as medieval thought likewise, would see no clear boundary between the purposes of politics and those of religion; would approach and deal with the worldly and the spiritual, by subordinating the former to the latter; would live and act on behalf of a sole, omnipresent, militarized God; and after all, would direct war, the government and the instant of death towards God.
Negócios públicos, riquezas privadas: o escândalo dos "anões do orçamento" (1993-1994)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-05-06) Laranja, Anselmo Laghi; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel; Possas, Lídia Maria Vianna; Campos, Adriana Pereira; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da
The present study examines the issue of political corruption in Brazil. We intend to demonstrate that corruption reaches endemic levels in Brazil due to a cultural trait that makes people unable to distinguish the public from the private, which is a legacy from the Portuguese patrimonial State. We analyze in depth the “budget dwarves” affair, a great corruption scheme that involved Parliament members, members of the Executive and private companies in frauds in the National Budget. Such frauds were investigated by a Parliamentary Inquiry Committee, held by the National Congress in the years of 1993 and 1994. By using as research sources the final report presented by the Inquiry Committee, around six hundred articles from the Folha de São Paulo newspaper and bibliographical review, we attempted to define ethics and corruption, delineating parameters to analyze the affair. We also attempted to reveal the identity of the State in Brazil so as to understand why corruption levels are so high in this country. The results of such attempts were related to the affair in question so as to conform it to the assistentialist culture that prevails in Brazilian politics.
Em silêncio eles esperam pela tempestade: o neoconservadorismo e a Revolução Nicaragüense (1981-1986)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-06-06) Pinto, Luiz Antonio Gomes; Gil, Antonio Carlos Amador; Mendonça, Carlos Vinícius Costa de; Aras, Lina Maria Brandão de; Moreira, Vânia Maria Losada
This work has as objective, to demonstrate the ascension of the neoconservative’s project of hegemony, in the United States. And as their main ones presupposed ideological they are used inside president Ronald Reagan's pronouncements, on Nicaragua. The speeches were addressed the North American population, and not to Central America countries, as it would be of supposing. The progress of the neoconservadorism, settled on very defined historical bases. That beginning can be located in the end of the 60’s, during the government Johnson, and their social politics, going by the political and moral crisis - Watergate, and the trust loss in the national might, starting from the defeat in the War of Vietnam. Important other focus of the neoconservadorism, was the excess of the Welfare State, that they believed, it punished the productive sectors of the North American society. Reagan gave emphasis to the following concepts: freedom-market, nation and nationalism, democracy and totalitarianism. These concepts will allow to understand because the attacks to Nicaragua became an important element for the foreign policy of the United States.
Embratel, história e cultura: efeitos da política nacional de telecomunicações no desenvolvimento socieconômico do Espírito Santo (1980-1989)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-06-08) Felipe, José Mauriene Araújo; Rodrigues, Márcia Barros Ferreira; Neves, Lívia Martins Pinheiro; Siqueira, Maria da Penha Smarzaro; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel
It investigates the history and organizational culture of the Brazilian Company of Telecommunications (EMBRATEL). So we analyze the impacts of national policy of telecommunications for the social and economical development of Espírito Santo State. The decade of 1980 is taken as the guidance for making this thesis because of the importance of the period which marks the finish of the military regime and the return of a slow and dramatic democracy process. As a Company of Brazilian Government, EMBRATEL was created by the military Escola Superior de Guerra – ESG, where the Doctrine of National Security, based on the Doctrine of National War College of Washington-USA, was born. It is recognized that the ESG ideology was fundamental as an instrument of orientation for installing the National System of Telecommunications (SNT) in a short time, so that the integration of the large Brazilian hinterlands was its target. Behind that target strategy there was the purpose for assuring the national security, and promoting industrialization and modernization of Brazil under the military regime domination (period: 1964-1985). This Thesis is according to the following subject matters: Chapter I – EMBRATEL and The Development Ideology of National Integration and Security; Chapter II – Organizational Culture of EMBRATEL: Study on “Embratelino” Identity Construction; Chapter III – Telecommunications in The Social and Economical Process of Integration and Modernization of Espírito Santo State (1980-1989). The data collect is based on EMBRATEL documents analysis. Eight ex-employees of the state Company were interviewed so that their testimonies were submitted to a very detailed transcription, and transformed into eight historical documents. Specific books and annual reports of EMBRATEL performance during the 1980s were taken into consideration. It is corroborated that the “embratelina” organizational culture, risen from the radical and dictatorial military discipline, was – in a way of a paradox – fundamental for its success. It made EMBRATEL becomes one of the greatest worldwide companies of telecommunications. Its performance was recognized as relevant to integrate the Espírito Santo hinterlands. The EMBRATEL modern technological equipments installation contributed to the process of socioeconomic development of Espírito Santo State, which was definitively modernized, and integrated into Brazilian and world economy.
Estudo da mulher casada : uma história dos direitos humanos das mulheres no Brasil
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-06-13) Gazele, Catarina Cecin; Campos, Adriana Pereira; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel; Cavalcanti, Vanessa Ribeiro Simon
Abalou Bangu! A fábrica Bangu e a República nascente (1889-1914)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-06-17) Freitas, Adriana Oliveira de; Moreira, Vânia Maria Losada; Ferreira, Jorge Luiz; Gil, Antônio Carlos Amador; Soares, Geraldo Antonio
This research analyses the role of "Companhia Industrial do Brasil", popularly known by "Fabrica Bangu".It was very important in the industrialization and building process of the urbarn enviromment in Brazil, exactly at Distrito Federal, during the years of 1889 to 1914. It concentrates on the urbanization and industrialization proposal, on the idea of progress and modernization and also on the changing of the concept "work" promoted by the recent Republic. Then, we could notice that "Fabrica Bangu" reflected everything that the Republic was trying to implemet at the "Capital Federal". The factory's symbols, memories and photographs were also analysed. They were useful on the comprehension of the factory's image of itself, for example, how it wanted to be seen by the society and how its staff used to see it.
O Império Romano e o reino dos céus: a construção da imagem sagrada do imperador em De Laudibus Constantini, de Eusébio de Cesaréia (séc. IV d.C.)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-06-22) Oliveira, Miguel Arcanjo Marvila de; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel; Frighetto, Renan
Entre a utopia e a realidade: tensões entre o PT e Vítor Buaiz (1995-1998)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-06-23) Scherer, Canício; Pereira, Valter Pires; Campos, Adriana Pereira; Kröhling, Aloísio
It uses a broad and updated bibliography to contextualize and understand the theoretical and conceptual referential about political parties, Brazilian parties system and the Labor Party which performance in ES within1995-1998 is discussed and analised from de documents of the party itself, press articles and through the utilization of methods and techniques of oral history. It studies the Labor Party, its origin, ideological configuration and programmatical aims, standing out its varied ideological fragmentation emphatizing the tensions among its tendencies. As a socialist party, it discusses the meaning of its left option, being placed in the Brazilian political system. This system with its fragility, shows the Labor Party as a novelty among the other parties in Brazil. To reach this aim, this study chose gramscian referential about parties, that provides condition to understand and explain its heterogeneous composition, its aims and strategies to get hegemony, to achieve power and to construct socialism, called petista socialism that should be reached through internal and external democratic practice and through workers participation in all deciding actions. It thinks about the process of setting neoliberalism in Brazil – now identifying as rightist tendency – and political-ideological consequences to Labor Party. Therefore explains causes and conditions that stimulated tensions and fights between Labor Party and governor Vítor Buaiz and his after Labor Party disconnecting. Results turn clear that were extremely important internal fights to conquer hegemony and the option to the neoliberalism made by Vítor Buaiz. Troubles found by gramscian line party to achieve its aims, more leftist groups resistence to construct alliances, to see beyond the party, because of control and openes to globalization, deeper studies.
Considerações sobre o desempenho político-eleitoral do Partido dos Trabalhadores em Minas Gerais, entre 1989 e 2002
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-06-30) Marques, Angela Peralva Baumgratz; Pereira, Valter Pires; Rodrigues, Márcia Barros Ferreira; Motta, Rodrigo Patto Sá; Lousada, Vânia Maria
This research approaches the performance of the Workers Party (PT) at Minas Gerais Legislature. It evaluates both the behavior of candidates running for the office of State Deputy and the political strategies used by these candidates to secure popular support, covering the period from 1990 through 2002. The growing number of PT representatives in the Legislature was strongly influenced by the party migrating from a leftist-oriented policy to a middle-of-the-road position in the political spectrum. This change was caused by external pressure, which led the party to stay away from their leftist tendencies. As a result, the party no longer supported a revolutionary ideology and consequently embarked on a reformist practice. The party exerts a strict control over both the candidates’ political campaigns and the party’s deputies’ activities. Because of this, their deputies are also influenced by the general guidelines set up by PT’s national office. Considering that, based on their partyism ideology, they criticize clientelism and individualized attention, deputies are engaged in a process of building up their electorate bases and drawing near to organized movements, the party doesn’t break free from the peculiar nationwide political personalism. As we focus on PT representatives elected in Minas Gerais State during the years 1990 through 2002, we can determine that the Workers party doesn’t fit the so called catch-all model as it is permeated by a high degree of party loyalty, is deeply related to unions and social movements and their representatives do not use the party as an electing front.
Elites políticas espírito-santenses e reformismo autoritário (1930-1937)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-07-01) Achiamé, Fernando Antonio de Moraes; Costa, Nara Saletto da; Ferreira, Marieta de Moraes; Rodrigues, Márcia Barros Ferreira; Moreira, Vania Maria Losada
This dissertation is engaged in an analysis of the historical process of the 1930 Revolution in the State of Espírito Santo, and its political developments as far as 1937. It employs the theoretical apparatus devised by Antonio Gramsci as well as works by historians who have dealt with this issue in a Brazilian scope. It surveys the construction of the state in such aspects as territorial appropriation, economic organization, and social structuring, with an emphasis on the ‘20s and ‘30s. It compares world ideologies current during the first half of the 20th century to Brazilian politics in the period under analysis. It seeks to understand the oligarchic system extant in the First Republic so as to explain the scheme driving the revolutionary movement in the State and the implementation of the new regime as regards the commitment of local political elites. It interprets the activities of the João Punaro Bley administration both in sponsoring a financial recovery and a political and administrative centralization in terms of autocratic reforms. In the light of this situation, it deals with the preservation of revolutionary “spirit” and the creation of a personality cult surrounding the governmental leader. It deals with the reorganization and creation of Gramscian “parties” and surveys clashes for power occurring in a period of restricted democracy. As a conclusion it enhances the conservative pattern imprinted on the political activity during these years at the State level so as to prevent reforms carried out in social sectors from interfering with economic privileges of dominant classes, which were supposed to be preserved.
História e cidadania: do acesso à justiça ao mandado de segurança
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2005-10-07) Laranja, Kátia Toríbio Laghi; Campos, Adriana Pereira; Lima Neto, Francisco Vieira; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel; Neder, Gizlene
O processo de modernização autoritária da agricultura no Espírito Santo : os índios Tupiniquim e Guarani Mbya e a empresa Aracruz Celulose S/A (1967-1983)
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-03-31) Loureiro, Klítia; Moreira, Vânia Maria Losada; Gil, Antônio Carlos Amador; Cicarone, Celeste; Mattos, Izabel Missagia de
This study demonstrates that the establishment of Aracruz Celulose Company in Aracruz municipality, North region of Espírito Santo state, was the result of agrarian politics of Brazilian military dictatorship post-1964. Since its origin there have been several conflicts involving indigenous people versus enterprise and its allies. However, all the political decisions about land conflict were under militaries control. They developed and stimulated many projects of agricultural investment but, at the same time, they avoided any participation of Brazilian society in the discussion about the effects of these plans. The research points out that the installation of the Aracruz Celulose is related to the international, national and regional capitalist dynamic: at international level, due to the fast expansion of foreign trade and the availability of capital for investments and financings; at national level, because the states incentives to agriculture modernization between 1960 and 1980 provoked structural changes in the sector; at regional level, because the military agriculture politics were in accord with the local elite interests that spared no efforts to promote the diversification and/or industrialization of state economy which was still very dependent on the coffee culture until then. The research also indicates that the installation of the Aracruz Celulose in the Aracruz municipality not only changed the possession and the use of the land, but also affected the native population (indigenous community, peasants, ex-slaves, etc.). In the light of these events, it analyses the development of the struggle for ethnic identity recognition of Tupinikin indigenous group and the land conflict in the Brazilian state of Espírito Santo between the 1967’s and 1983, caused by the establishment of Aracruz Celulose Company in 1972.
Nacionalismo e igreja : a Igreja Luterana-Sínodo de Missouri nos "porões" do Estado Novo
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-04-10) Marlow, Sérgio Luiz; Moreira, Vânia Maria Losada; Gertz, René Ernaini; Gil, Antônio Carlos Amador; Pereira, André Ricardo
The republican period called New State not mark only the permanence of Getúlio Vargas in the command of the Brazilian nation, also marks the mediation of the proper Brazilian State in the life of that they inhabited in ground Brazilian. A good example of this is the nationalistic proposal the Brazilian Government that, from the year of 1938, through a series of rules, desired that all, especially the foreign immigrants and its descendants, to “Brazilianize". This proposal reached and reverberated all the groups of immigrants, but in special the Germans who perfectly understood to be possible to be Brazilian and to cultivate cultural traces of the native land-mother, Germany. These immigrants and its descendants had been reached especially through institutions that were on they as: the sporting and cultural associations, press and the Church. In this direction, the present study intends to observe and to tell the action of the Brazilian State with the Luteran Church: Missouri Synod, as well as the reaction and position of the related ecclesiastical institution front to the nationalistics proposals imposed by the Vargas Government. At the same time, to perceive which was the existing relation between the Luteran Church - Missouri Synod together to the Germans descendants in whom it concerns to the preservation of cultural and social traces with Germany through the practical of the Germanism.
O levante dos "invisíveis" da história : o movimento indígena no Equador na década de 1990
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-04-12) Sousa, Adilson Amorim de; Gil, Antonio Carlos Amador; Bittencourt, Libertad Borges; Ciccarone, Celeste; Moreira, Vânia Maria Losada
Through the last decades, among the several manifestations of social movements occurred in various countries of Latin America, we have to stand out the movements that took place in the rural areas, specially those ones that were conducted by indian organizations. These types of manifestations have played an important role in the search for another pattern of social and political organization based in respect to different kinds of patterns and cultural values. This paper objectifies specifically to understand the new features revealed by the indian movement in Ecuador, in the 90’s, since its several organizations were unified during the Conaie – Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador. Nowadays this entity is the most expressive in the popular endurance concerning the economic and political pattern settled by the State through the dispersion of neoliberal doctrines. The objective is, therefore, to indentify the guide matrices of this organization, as well as its various mobilization forms and acting stratagies. The discussion is also about the political practices in the indian movement, its insertion in the social sectors, its connections with the State and its proposals on the political and economic organization to the country. This research allows to characterize the Conaie from its ideological expression and acting strategy, showing it as the keeper of the fusion of ethnic and cultural ideas with popular factors. This point of view has allowed the indian movement to establish connections with other sectors and to share with them ordinary problems, making possible its entrance as the main social and political agent of the country.
Igreja, conflito e poder no século IV d. C. : João Crisóstomo e o levante das estátuas em Antioquia
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-04-25) Silva, Érica Cristhyane Morais da; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da; Carvalho, Margarida Maria de; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel; Feldman, Sérgio Alberto
The Riot of The Statues was a conflict that happened in 387 A.D., at Antioch, an important city of the Roman Empire under the reign of Theodosius (379-395). It was a popular protest against the creation of a new tax. When the announcement of the new tax reached the city, the curiales began the protests which lead to the destruction of the imperial portraits and the overthrow of imperial statues. To destruct imperial images were a major crime in the Fourth Century of the Later Roman Empire. Therefore the city and its inhabitants suffer lots of punishment like the city lost its status as a metropolis, some of the rioters were executed, and others put to prison. Besides, Theodosius intents to destroy the city and burns it with its inhabitants within. The population was afraid waiting for the imperial response. However, Theodosius pardoned the city and restored it to its former condition as a metropolis. This conflict received much attention from different ancient writers. However, it was Libanius and John Chrysostom that will emphasize the importance of this riot. Libanius delivered five orations about the riot and John Chrysostom delivered, traditionally, twenty one homilies. These two testimonies became the primary sources about The Riot of the Statues. A research about this theme could be based in one of these two later sources or in both. Nevertheless, Libanius testimony is more studied than Chrysostom s with regard to the riot. Considering this, our purpose with this dissertation will be to show the point of view of John Chrysostom, his interpretation of the riot. We will understand how John Chrysostom presents the Christian interference on the riot by showing how he describe his interference and also the interference of the monks and bishop Flavian on behalf of the city and its inhabitants according. Our aim is demonstrate that Christian interference helped in a particular way on the final imperial decision with regard to the city.
Oliveira Vianna e a legislação do trabalho no Brasil : 1932-1940
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-04-28) Arruda, Hélio Mário de; Mendonça, Carlos Vinícius Costa de; Possas, Lídia Vianna; Rodrigues, Márcia Barros Ferreira; Francischetto, Gilsilene Passon Picoretti
A reflection is made on the conjuncture of the 1930s, trying to identify the way Oliveira Vianna’s ideas aimed to the solution of the work and capital conflict. The direction that the social issue received in the 30s cannot be exclusively explained by the conjuncture’s problems. It is necessary to refer to the previous process of political debate and social pressure. In the years previous to the 30s Brazil is characterized by extreme liberalism, opposing the attempts to make and/or apply social laws. The social issue comes as the distinctive and legitimating mark of the political developments post-30s. The State abandons a liberal position for a new interventionist position in regards to unionism. Oliveira Vianna was recognized as a researcher of the Brazilian social reality. To the State it would be fitting to even force the social classes and categories to organize themselves to search for a harmonic and democratic society. Social rights became primordial to seek political citizenship. As other autocrats of the time, Vargas prided himself on having established a “true” democracy in Brazil, “that is not the one of the parliament, but one that is supported by the organized corporations.” The social classes’ weakness is one of the arguments of the Brazilian authoritarian mind to legitimate the tutelary role of the public power over the “civil society”. Oliveira Vianna’s organic intellectual role was made possible with the attributions of his job as Legal Consultant at the Ministry of Work, in which he imprinted practicability to his nationalistic and authoritarian ideas and the corporatist unionism. Oliveira Vianna saw the modern State as a “reaction against individualism”, a “gravitation towards the group”. The corporatist State would be the expression of the “democratic organization”, characterized by the “approximation and insertion of the people-mass in the public administration.” Oliveira Vianna’s corporatist ideas are bound to the model of state interventionism of Roosevelt’s New Deal. The Brazilian corporatist ideas are doctrinally bound to the social mind of the Catholic Church. Oliveira Vianna starts from the social “non-solidarity” to consider the Brazilian inconsistent and inept character for the associations and exercise of citizenship, in regards to the labor struggle. For him this assertion justified the imperious need of an authoritarian political regime. The State would be responsible for the organization and regulation role of the corporatist unionism structure and functioning. The normative power would be delegated to the labor courts to solve the collective conflicts. Oliveira Vianna asserted that “our social laws have been a “generous grant by the political leaders and not a conquest by our mass of workers”, that were, up to then, “inexpressive”, and “politically and ideologically disorganized”. The myth of the grant does not proceed because the workers never stopped fighting against capitalism, in order to defeat or reform it. Oliveira Vianna saw the corporatist institutions inspired in the catholic thinking, not in the Fascism/Nazism. Oliveira Vianna is a mark in the development of the work relations in Brazil, in the laborious search for the reversion of the retrograde political and economical liberalism that ignored the “social issue”.
O poder e o sagrado na idade das trevas : a configuração simbólica da realeza homérica
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-05-03) Gabrecht, Ana Penha; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da; Theml, Neyde; Campos, Adriana Pereira; Francalanci, Carla
The centuries XIIth to VIIIth b.C. of the Greek history period has been known by the historiography as Dark Ages. It is Dark Ages because in the Greece, in that time, the writing disappeared and it happened a notable reduction of material production. In such case, any information that we have about this age is specially based on the narratives of the poetry transmitted orally through generation by generation by poets known as aiodos. Homer was an aedos if he really existed. Ascribe him two great works assorted like epopee: the Iliad and the Odissey. Although to ponder that Homer has been lived during the VIIIth b.C., the poems have elements that report the century XIIth b.C. or before. The Homeric epics are important primary source to study power relations in the Dark Ages. The Iliad, as the main source for this research, gives us examples of the relation between the power and the sacred. Through this poem, it is possible realize that in Homeric world the power of the king — known as basileus — is confirmed by symbolic elements that surround him. The Homeric king overlay himself with sacred symbols as the celestial scepter given by Zeus. Further the king bears the title anax which is similar to the title of Zeus and this king has a personal divine protection. All this aspects delimitate the social position of basileus in this society connecting him with the supernatural world because of this the king became himself a different human being. The accumulation of geras (“advantage”) and time (“honour”), gained through heroic actions and given by Zeus, also help in the delimitation of basileus position. This allows us to reach a definition of homeric kingship strongly connected with the divinities.
O tribunal do júri: papel, ação e composição: Vitória/ES, 1850-1870
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-05-04) Betzel, Viviani Dal Piero; Campos, Adriana Pereira; Ribeiro, Gladys Sabina; Franco, Sebastião Pimentel; Silva, Gilvan Ventura da
This work comments on the building up of the Jury Tribunal in the Brazilian history during the nineteenth century, dealing specifically with the case of the Espírito Santo Province. Created originally as a branch from the Portuguese legislation and solely in charge of the press offenses, the Jury was later on endorsed by the Constitution of independent Brazil. Focusing on the interval when the Judiciary was yet being developed in the country and there was also the coexistence between liberals and conservatives, it is shown how the Jury Tribunal was modified by the promulgation of both the Criminal Code and the Criminal Proceeding Code, in 1830 and 1832, respectively. In the midst of such reforms, the Jury kept itself working unabated, delivering a substantially great number of acquittals than of guilty verdicts. This practice occasioned a varied array of criticism to the jurors actions, pointing mainly to its inefficacy without, however, coming to the extreme of proposing its suppression. Going through the records of Victória s District Court between 1850 and 1870, it was sought to establish the origin, the action and the role of the jurors in the local society, where the pursuit of public order, as well as in Brazil as a whole, was a common goal. When appraising the composition of the Jury, it was tried to identify the possible relations among the litigants involved in a lawsuit, guessing that these bonds might have had an influence on the sentences pronounced. With some answers in hand, it was examined, next, the Jury s overall performance, inquiring about the frequency of its reunions, the kind of felonies under its scrutiny and the verdicts delivered to the defendants. The empirical base drawn upon in this work were the criminal lawsuits submitted to the espírito-santense jurors in Victoria s District during the 1850 to 1870 period, besides the correspondence and communications among authorities such as the Provincial President, the Ministry of Judicial Affairs, the Judges, the Police Chief and others.
Mídia, ditadura e contra-hegemonia : a ação do jornal Posição no Espírito Santo
(Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2006-05-12) Resende, Lino Geraldo; Rodrigues, Márcia Barros Ferreira; Ferreira, Giovandro; Ventura, Gilvan; Mendonça, Carlos Vinícius Costa de
Between the years of 1976 and 1979, in the state of Espirito Santo, Brazil, one newspaper, called Posição (Stand), with your integration with the social movements and because the work of organics intellectuals, In this period, with the integration with the socials movements and the work of organics intellectuals, Posição had an important antihegemonic role, helping to build another hegemonic discourse, against the dominant discourse, maintained by the military regime who had the power and embraced the Government of Brazil for 20 long years. Posição struggled against the National Security Doctrine and publicized an new ideology, based in democracy. The independent newspaper., maintained by its readers, was distributed in the greater Vitoria, the most populated metropolitan region in the Espírito Santo state, and in 18 other counties. In each edition, Posição had a critical approach of the state reality in counterpoint of the so called great media, who were controlled by government through censorship and economic pressure. This paper is about the anti-hegemonic question, organics intellectuals and works with Antonio Gramsci´s concepts, uses analysis of the discourse tools and shows how ideology is the matrix of the hegemonic and anti-hegemonic work.

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